Teaching Notes · Economic Development and Growth
Economic Development and Growth
Core Theory and Measurement
- What Does Economic Growth Really Mean?
- Classical Theories of Economic Development
- Measuring a Good Life: Todaro, Sen, and the Human Development Approach
- Behind the Numbers: Production, Costs, and a Country's Output
- Human Capital: Why Health and Education Drive Growth
- The Economics of Educational Demand
- Measuring Inequality: The Lorenz Curve and the Gini Coefficient
- Who Is Poor, and How Do We Solve It?
- Unemployment: Types, Causes, and Policy Responses
- Why Doesn't Growth Always Improve People's Lives?
Comparative Development and the Global Context
- Population Growth and Development: The Malthus and Boserup Debate
- Culture, Institutions, and the Long Run Roots of Development
- Technology, Innovation, and Entrepreneurship in Development
- Environment, Climate Change, and the Sustainable Development Goals
- Globalization and Emerging Markets: A Class Discussion on Stiglitz
The Economics of Educational Demand
The previous piece in this series looked at human capital from the standpoint of growth and policy. This one zooms in on a narrower but important question: what actually drives a family's decision to send a child to school, and how does that decision, repeated across millions of households, end up shaping inequality itself?
Education as a derived demand
On the demand side, families weigh two main things when deciding how much schooling to pursue: the private benefit, mainly the prospect of considerably higher income through future employment in the modern, higher paying sector of the economy, and the cost of getting there, both direct, tuition and books, and indirect, the income a child could otherwise have earned. Because what families are really demanding is access to better paid jobs rather than classroom time for its own sake, economists describe the demand for schooling as a derived demand, derived from the demand for modern sector employment. That demand, in practice, is shaped by four variables: the wage gap between modern sector and informal or agricultural jobs, the probability of actually finding modern sector work after finishing school, the direct private cost of education, and its indirect or opportunity cost.
A widening gap between private and social cost
As students climb the educational ladder, from primary to secondary to university, the social cost of their education, the cost borne by the public purse through subsidized tuition, teacher salaries, and infrastructure, rises quickly. The private cost, what the student and family actually pay, often rises much more slowly, or barely at all, because of how heavily higher education tends to be subsidized relative to its true cost. That widening gap between what society pays and what the individual pays gives university education an even stronger pull on demand than it would otherwise have, which is part of why demand for university places can run ahead of demand for, say, vocational secondary education, even when the social payoff runs the other way.
How the education system can deepen inequality
It is tempting to think of education as a pure equalizer, but the evidence from many developing countries is more complicated. Because earned income is so closely tied to years of completed schooling, and because enrollment in secondary and university education is disproportionately concentrated among wealthier households, the education system itself can reinforce income inequality rather than reduce it, both within a generation and across generations. Poor families are denied meaningful access to secondary and higher education for straightforwardly financial reasons more often than for lack of ability, and the effect compounds.
The underlying mechanism becomes clearer once the private cost and private benefit are compared across income groups. For a child from a poor household, especially in a rural area, the private cost of even primary education is relatively higher, since the family has fewer resources to draw on, while the private benefit is relatively lower, since a poor family's expected return on that investment, in terms of future earning power, tends to be smaller too. The result, consistently observed, is that children of poor families, facing a higher effective opportunity cost of schooling relative to what they can expect to gain, attend and perform in school at lower rates than children from wealthier households. A policy conversation about educational demand that ignores this asymmetry risks treating a structural inequality as if it were simply a matter of individual choice.
Sources: M. P. Todaro and S. C. Smith, Economic Development, on the determinants of educational demand in developing economies.